Peruvian intellectual José Carlos Mariátegui (–) mentioned as a ripe site for new . tegui calls “el problema del indio.” Mariátegui’s. En este programa tratamos un capítulo de Siete ensayos de interpretación la realidad peruana de José Carlos Mariátegui. Puedes leerlo. Esquema de la evolución económicaEl problema del indioEl problema de la tierraEl proceso de la instrucción públicaEl factor religioso.

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But achievement of these objectives by a liberal democratic revolution presupposes two conditions: Castro Pozo, Nuestra comunidad indigena, p. On an economic level, the caudillo is always the main support of the latifundium. The professional and business bourgeoisie was too weak to govern.

The struggle for independence in many cases united the land-holding nobility and the bourgeois merchants, either because the former maruategui been indoctrinated with liberal ideas or because it regarded the revolution as only a liberation movement from the Spanish crown. Agricultural labor, under a naturally feudal system, would have made the Indian a serf bound to the land.

Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana

Marcel Rivi-6re,pp. A local publication once said that in the Peruvian sierra the gamonal appears to be relatively as poor as the Indian. But their political mariategu is as self-evident as is their construction of an empire with human materials and moral elements amassed over the centuries.

It continued to be the dominant class in Peru. It is much more likely that the crops supposedly reserved for the amriategui were actually put into a state storehouse for social welfare, a typically and singularly socialist provision.

The production of cotton is not governed by any consideration of the national economy. In a warlike and mystic era, they undertook to preserve the techniques of the arts and crafts, refining and elaborating materials; sel later served as a basis for bourgeois industry. Georges Sorel is one of the modern economists who best define the role of the monastery in the European economy.


The authority of political or administrative officials is in fact subject to the authority of the landowner in his domain. Francisco Garcia Calderon attributed to the Civil Code effects that it actually did not have or, at least, that were not as drastic and absolute as he believed.

The plantation owner does not care about the productivity of his land, only about the income he receives from it. Indik phenomenon is not altogether explained by the fact that the infio feudal lords have kept their properties and, acting as intermediaries for foreign capital, have adopted the practice but not the spirit of modern capitalism.

Books by José Carlos Mariátegui (Author of Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality)

It is based on the same liberal body of ideas that produced the constitutional laws of all democratic-bourgeois states. The nature of agricultural property in Peru is one of the greatest obstacles to the development of a national capitalism.

They would at least ensure that discussion of the agrarian problem by the new generation would not altogether lack the liberal philosophy that, according to written history, has governed the life of Peru since the foundation of the republic. Up dell William of Hohenzollern, monarchs have invoked their divine right. Scientific farming—the use of machinery, fertilizer, et cetera—is incompatible with routine and primitive agriculture.

Jose Carlos Mariategui: Seven Interpretative Essays on Peruvian Reality Essay 3,

They do not understand that the medieval, patriarchal, feudal landowner is substantially different from the head of a modern enterprise. The policy of disentailment, initiated by the War of Independence as a logical consequence of its ideology, did indoi lead to the development of small property. The colonial heritage that we want to do away with is not really the one of romantic damsels mariztegui from sight behind shawls or shutters, but the one of a feudal system with its gamonalismo, latifundium, and servitude.


The Jesuits took advantage of indigenous communism in Peru, in Mexico, and, on a still larger scale, in Paraguay, for purposes of religious instruction. The work of the people must not be depreciated, much less denied. It is therefore absurd xel compare the forms and institutions of the two communisms. Although the Inca regime may be censured in the name of modern liberal concepts of liberty and justice, the positive and material historical fact is that it assured the subsistence and growth of a population that came to ten million when the conquistadors arrived in Peru, and that this population after mariatehui centuries of Spanish domination had fallen to one million.

Their work should be praised, not scorned and disparaged, as the expression and consequence of thousands of years and myriad elements. This other encomendero type of importation, like that of the Negroes, conflicted with the normal formation of a liberal economy consistent mariategii the political order established by the War of Independence.

The urban population of the West emigrates to a lesser degree and industrial workers know, moreover, that there is little for them to do in Latin America. The laws of the state are not applied in the latifundium without the tacit or formal consent of the large landowners. Thanks to their policy, the great landholders own all the land possible, ondio they do not have enough men to till it and bring it to life.

In the sierra, agrarian feudalism is unable to create wealth or progress.