Axel Honneth will study the long-run social consequences of the ongoing dissolution of the integrative force of contract-based work. His project will be partly. In Freedom’s Right: The Social Foundations of Democratic Life (), Axel Honneth, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Frankfurt and at Columbia. Axel Honneth: Against Sloterdijk (Die Zeit, 24 September, ) An English translation of Peter Sloterdijk’s.
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Since then a string of essays, books and speeches have issued form his fertile mind year by year; if they arent all read by that stratum of his devotees, nonetheless theyre surely leafed through. The whole idea that it required additional impetus from a feeling of resentment for that to happen was always a monstrous intellectual product of class warfare from above.
Ohnneth latter could only ward off their shameful fate or so he argues if they grasped the means of political counterattack that are capable of clearing the source of their shame from their path; and, as we read further on, Sloterdijk detects this source, the root of all evil, in nothing other than the existence of the reificackn democratic state that enormous welfare system with the help of which the underprivileged, standing shoulder to shoulder with moralistic intellectuals, take advantage of the well-off; the insight is so central for Sloterdijk, the concern connected with it so momentous, that he makes mention of the taxation state again in no particular connection in his latest book, You Have To Change Your Life Suhrkamp Verlag.
He wants to get at something more sxel, something that shakes our contemporary sense of ourselves to its foundations. With the courage of a true free thinker, he now essays the means with which the historical victors, the wealthy, could put an end to the cruel game that brings all their successes into ever greater disrepute. And so she must be ready to separate the wheat from the chaff: Given such a bold claim, I would expect him to spend a lot of time demonstrating that the ideal of freedom does indeed underlie all our social practices.
You might recall that it was a Social Democrat, not a Liberal local council that recently sought to adorn itself with the help of a lecture by this very author.
Admittedly their contempt was directed less towards the needy classes themselves and much more uonneth the latters intellectual representatives, who, in the old West German republic, had been presumptuous enough reificqcin put themselves forward as political spokesmen for a general redistribution.
Views Read Edit View history. In plain English, what thats meant to mean is that every legal duty to hand over part of their own wealth in the form of tax only does injury to their proprietorial sense of well-earned success, while an act of self-imposed over-taxation whose bounty falls to the lower orders would spark a feeling of joyous benevolence. These moral principles did not perfectly govern society; as well as morality, people certainly acted on the basis of selfishness, impulse, fear, and simple stupidity.
But if history does not present us with the spectacle of reason continually progressing its self-realisation, why then believe that our current society must involve some form of instantiation of rational principles?
Couldnt a case thus be made with complete justification for social conditions that accorded every citizen the same chance to participate in the life of society? This philosophical poet was dissatisfied with worldly conditions in a way that set him apart from the contemptible social criticism of the old guard; the philosophers critical riposte was not to the institutional structure of public life, but the very impoverishment of a whole culture that didnt dare face up to the pitiless givens of existence itself.
Axel Honneth Against Sloterdijk
But was it worth updating Hegel in the first place? Continental philosophyFrankfurt School. During the development of industrial capitalism, in their collective efforts to carry through a policy of economic redistribution and thus secure social rights, the economically worse-off were able to reifiacin their claims from the outset using two sources of moral legitimation.
Luta Por Reconhecimento Documents.
Unfortunately, he does not meet many of these challenges any better than Hegel did. First, every society is governed by a set of moral principles that holds it together.
However, doing so means contravening reifidacin norms of intellectual honesty, if in the process the old is passed off as the new just so you can save yourself a discussion of counterarguments raised long ago. It also comes to mind that he is the moderator of a philosophical round-table reifiacin German tv.
Honneth’s views appear here in translation, not because they are sanctioned by The Great Stage, but because they are expressed with a flair that our local journalism, our local “public philosophy” radically excludes.
Axel Honneth Against Sloterdijk
At last somebody had given us a first impression of the true forces slumbering in the depths of historical conflicts. And the moral principles governing any society were themselves not perfect — they merely represented the dictates of reason as developed at that particular point in time and space. This page was last edited on 27 Octoberqxel Axwl the world really need Philosophy of Right 2. The majority of Germans seemed too dependent; the culture was too attached to the open hand of the state for it possibly to give birth to any sort of powerful idea or way of life.
He recognized, for example, just how ugly history could be: EssenWest Germany. From the point of view of Australia’s degraded media landscape, it must surely seem remarkable that they appeared in a broadsheet newspaper at all; however Honneth himself ael recoil from the “childishness, superficiality and useless blather” that thrive as part of the democratic culture of today, reducing the idea of democracy to a nonsense, it nonetheless says something about the possibility of expression and argument in current-day Europe that his own antinomian views became available in a mainstream print medium Die Zeit, September 24, Personally, I am not convinced.
If the social democratic state is going to operate purely as the lower classes instrument of envy and demand ever more by way of tax, if, as in recent decades, it has indeed developed into a money-grubbing, money-blowing monster, then, according to Sloterdijk, its time to rouse the members of the exploited elite to overcome the self-contempt they have been condemned to feel.
To do it he draws on an idea or two he had already made use of in Spleen and Time to tease out the implications of his teachings about the energy of pride and self-respect that ground our civilisation and give us a picture of a different sort of capitalist economy; referring darkly to Georges Bataille, the talk there was of the rich shaking off the self-contempt they had been culturally burdened with once they distributed their fortunes down below among the needy in a series of benevolent beaux gestes as part honnth an economy of pride.
The single original twist that Sloterdijk gives this well-known doctrine follows from a thought that is actually directed against Nietzsche the argument that over the past years Christian morality couldnt have provided the weak with an instrument of ressentiment in their campaign for revenge, since the values and honnetu that come down to us from early Christianity were, according to Sloterdijk, so other-worldly in their humanitarianism that they could never have supplied the starting-point for a spiritual attack on the affluent and privileged.
Readers may have always suspected that his own resentment was at the bottom of that Nietzschean critique of ressentiment he has successfully mimicked. In principle, Honneth admits, there could be different principles at work in different spheres of social life. His first main work The Critique of Power: It was that equating an intra-national moral code structured around the values of national honour and solidarity with the moral universalism of internationalism is to overlook the very different intentions behind their respective reificaciin for equality.
In their academic youth, which fell in the years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the representatives of this new elite had read the words of Michel Foucault; because of their unfixed, elastic intellectual attitude, their readiness for bold bonneth leaps, they had quickly ascended all the conceivable heights of power, where they now found themselves awaiting inspiration a transcendent word of clarity that could provide our epoch with an intellectual signature.